Monthly Archives: May 2021

4 posts

Potential Employment Problems: Case of Mandala v. NTT Data, Inc

Steven Trebach, CLS ’22

Having a criminal record is, in the United States, a clear detriment to one’s employability.[1] Given the makeup of the American prison system, this disadvantage to ex-felons face likely falls most heavily on the African-American community, which experiences a far higher rate of incarceration than other communities.[2]  This dynamic has become so explicitly racialized, that certain strategies, such as “Ban the Box ” which stop employers from requiring applicants to disclose a criminal record may have backfired.[3] Employers, wanting to avoid hiring people with felony records, assume African American men have undisclosed criminal records and avoid hiring them[4] In this context, the Second Circuit determined not to rehear en banc the case Mandala v. NTT Data, Inc.[5]

Mandala and Barnett (Plaintiffs), African-American men with past criminal records, were denied positions they had previously been offered at NTT Data, Inc. (NTT) in 2017 because of their criminal records.[6] In response, they brought a class action lawsuit against NTT, alleging the company had violated Title VII for racial discrimination.[7] Refusing to hire formerly incarcerated people, these Plaintiffs argue, “disqualifies a disproportionate number of African-American applicants” because of their aforementioned disproportionate rate of incarceration.[8] Despite the Plaintiffs proffering the statistical data demonstrating the higher rate of arrest and incarceration of African-Americans, when pleading their case, “the district court dismissed the complaint for failure to state a claim.”[9]  A 2-1 split panel of the Second Circuit would go on to uphold this ruling, indicating “it is error for Plaintiffs to simply presume that population-level statistics will accurately describe subgroups of that population,” specifically the subgroup of people qualified to work at NTT.[10]

The Second Circuit’s decision not to rehear this case en banc raised dissent beyond the original dissenting judge.[11] In addition to including reiterations of the statistical disparities in criminalization of African Americans,[12] a major crux of the dissent was that the panel majority was willing to make “inferences favoring the Defendants while declining to make obvious inferences for Plaintiffs that would rebut the central basis of the panel majority’s reasoning,” thus incorrectly applying Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(6).[13] The ultimate fear is that the panel has created a higher than usual standard for pleading that threatens to founder valid civil rights litigation for failure to state a claim.[14]
The ABA Journal article that drew the attention of this Journal to the case seems to be firmly on the side of the dissent, ending the article with a dissenting judge’s statement that “the panel majority ‘uses a statistical sleight of hand to hide the clear implications of NTT’s blanket policy.’”[15]  While there is likely some truth to the dissent’s assertion, the potential problem may not be as far reaching as the dissent fears.

The panel and several other circuit judges, in a concurring opinion, respond to the dissent’s fears in a manner that seems to narrow the ultimate significance of the ruling to the specific facts of the Plaintiffs’ pleading. For example, a major crux of the dissent was that the panel erroneously narrowed what should be considered NTT’s applicant pool, relative to the general population.[16] The concurrence indicates, however, that the Plaintiffs’ complaint had, in fact, suggested the range of viable candidates for the position was narrower than the general population.[17] Thus, although this individual case may have been a step backward in the struggle to mitigate the burden of post-incarceration life on the African-American community, it could very well be a limited one.

 

 

           

[1] Binyamin Appelbaum, Out of Trouble, but Criminal Records Keep Men Out of Work, The New York Times, Feb. 28, 2015.

[2] John Gramlich, Black imprisonment rate in the U.S. has fallen by a third since 2006, Pew Research Center – Fact Tank,  May 6, 2020 (African-American are incarcerated at a rate roughly seven times per capita higher than white Americans, and almost twice as high as Hispanic Americans).

[3] Casey Leins, More Data Needed to Determine Whether ‘Ban the Box’ Laws Work, U.S. News and World Report, Sept. 10, 2019 (“Some studies show that ban the box laws could actually have a negative impact: When employers aren’t allowed to ask about applicants’ criminal background early in the hiring process, they may be more likely to assume certain applicants – especially black and Hispanic men – have a criminal history, denying jobs to qualified applicants who don’t have a criminal history.”).

[4] See Id.

[5] See Mandala v. NTT Data, Inc., No. 19-2308-cv (2d Cir. Feb. 23, 2021).

[6] See Mandala v. NTT Data, Inc., 975 F.3d 202, 205-06 (2d Cir. 2020).

[7] See id. at 206.

[8] Id.

[9] See Id. 

[10] Id. at 211.

[11] See Mandala v. NTT Data, Inc., No. 19-2308-cv (2d Cir. Feb. 23, 2021).

[12] See id. (p.7 of Judge Chin’s dissent).

[13] See id. (p.1 of Judge Pooler’s dissent).

[14] See id. (p.1 of Judge Chin’s dissent).

[15] Debra C. Weiss, 2nd Circuit won’t consider reinstating suit alleging refusal to hire felons amounts to hiring bias, ABA Journal, Feb. 24, 2021.

[16] See Mandala v. NTT Data, Inc., No. 19-2308-cv (2d Cir. Feb. 23, 2021) (p.27 of Judge Chin’s dissent).

[17]  See id. (pp. 2-3 of concurrence).

Washington State Supreme Court Finds Mandatory Life Without Parole Sentences Unconstitutional for Offenders Younger Than 21

Arthur Schoen, CLS ’22

On March 11, 2021, Washington became the first state[1] to extend the constitutional protection against mandatory life sentences without parole to individuals older than 18. In a ground-breaking 5-4 ruling, the Supreme Court of Washington held that the state’s aggravated murder statute, which carries a mandatory penalty of life without parole for adult offenders, was unconstitutional as applied to individuals between the ages of 18 and 21.[2]

 

In 2012, the United States Supreme Court held in Miller v. Alabama[3] that mandatory sentences of life without parole are unconstitutional when applied to individuals younger than 18, finding that such statutes violate the Eight Amendment protection against cruel and unusual punishments.[4] Instead, said the court, judges sentencing minor defendants must be allowed to exercise their discretion to craft an individualized sentence that considers the mitigating qualities of youth[5] – though the judge still may assign the full range of non-death-penalty punishments, including a sentence of life without parole. In 2018, the Washington Supreme Court took this even further, barring any sentences of life without parole for minors.[6]

 

Washington’s aggravated murder statute – amended in 2014 to fit with Miller’s guidelines[7] – provides for a mandatory sentence of life without the possibility of parole for anyone aged 18 and older who is convicted of aggravated murder in the state of Washington, and a range of possible penalties for minors.[8]

 

In this case, Washington’s Supreme Court held that under both the Eight Amendment and Washington’s state constitutional prohibition on cruel punishments,[9] the holding of Miller should be extended to cover convicted murderers aged 18-20 as well.[10] The court provided several grounds for this landmark ruling. The court cited neuroscience research indicating that there is no meaningful difference in maturity between 17 and 18-year-olds,[11] and that mental development continues into a person’s 20s.[12] Though no other state has banned mandatory life without parole for offenders aged 18-20,[13] the court cited criminal statutes from several other states that provide for differentiated penalties for individuals in their 20s on account of their youth.[14] The court also pointed out that the age of majority in the United States used to be 21,[15] and that some states continue to use 21 as the cut-off point;[16] moreover, even Washington’s own laws feature flexibility in different contexts regarding at what age a child becomes an adult.[17]

 

In a dissenting opinion here, Justice Susan Owens strongly disagreed with the court’s extension of the Miller rule. Pointing out the many contexts in which 18-year-olds are considered adults by the law, Justice Owens argued that there are no grounds to distinguish between youthful adults and other adults for purposes of mandatory minimum sentences.[18] In addition to various constitutional arguments, the dissent contended that the determination of adulthood is best left to a legislature – which has the capacity to review all the necessary evidence and considerations – rather than a court, which is “insufficiently equipped to decide this issue on selectively presented evidence put forth by limited parties on a constrained schedule.”[19]

 

The two petitioners in this case were both convicted of brutal murders and sentenced to life without parole under Washington’s aggravated murder statute. The first, Dwayne Bartholomew, was convicted in 1981 for shooting the attendant of a gas station he was robbing; he was 20 years old.[20] The second, Kurtis Monschke, participated in the vicious group murder of a homeless person as part of an initiation into a white supremacist gang.  He was 19 when he committed that murder and he was convicted in 2003.[21] In granting their petition, the court ordered that Bartholomew and Monschke would each receive a new sentencing hearing that takes into account the petitioners’ ages at the time they committed those murders.[22]

 

Of course, it remains to be seen whether other states and courts might consider following Washington’s lead and doing away with mandatory sentences of life without parole for offenders aged 18-20. Though there have been voices arguing for such measures in the years since the Supreme Court’s Miller decision,[23] courts have not proven receptive to the argument until now, as numerous petitions citing Miller to argue for reconsideration of sentences given to 18-20-year-olds have been denied.[24] In 2018, the federal court in the District of Connecticut actually did grant one such petition, vacating a mandatory life without parole sentence for an 18-year-old as unconstitutional under the Eight Amendment;[25] however, the Second Circuit overturned that holding on appeal last year.[26] Now that Washington has come down strongly in favor of the efforts to extend Miller to the 18-20 age bracket, perhaps the legislatures and courts in other jurisdictions might be more willing to follow suit.

 

 

[1] In re Pers. Restraint of Monschke, 2021 Wash. LEXIS 152 at *43 (Mar. 11, 2021) (Owens, J., dissenting). See also Gene Johnson, Court Overturns Automatic Life Sentences for Young Killers, Seattle Times (Mar. 11, 2021), https://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/washington-state-supreme-court-overturns-automatic-life-sentences-for-young-killers/.

[2] In re Pers. Restraint of Monschke, 2021 Wash. LEXIS 152 (Mar. 11, 2021).

[3] Miller v. Alabama, 567 U.S. 460 (2012).

[4] See U.S. Const. Amend. VIII.

[5] Miller, 567 U.S. at 489.

[6] State v. Bassett, 192 Wn.2d 67 (2018).

[7] Monschke, 2021 Wash. LEXIS 152 at *18 n.15.

[8] Wash. Rev. Code Ann. § 10.95.030 (2015).

[9] Wash. Const. Art. I, § 14.

[10] Monschke, 2021 Wash. LEXIS 152 at *7-*8, *29.

[11] Id. at *19.

[12] Id. at *19-*20.

[13] See supra note 1.

[14] In re Pers. Restraint of Monschke, 2021 Wash. LEXIS 152 at *8 n.8 (Mar. 11, 2021).

[15] Id. at *9.

[16] Id. at *10 n.9.

[17] Id. at *16-*18.

[18] Id. at *30-31 (J. Owens, dissenting).

[19] Id. at *31 (J. Owens, dissenting).

[20] Id. at *2. See also Richard Carelli, High Court Reinstates Tacoma Man’s Murder Conviction, Associated Press (Oct. 10, 1995), https://apnews.com/article/16469a0184bfe4e74ecac1a31d8f73b9.

[21] In re Pers. Restraint of Monschke, 2021 Wash. LEXIS 152 at *2 (Mar. 11, 2021). See also Jeffrey M. Barker, White Supremacist Gets Life for Killing Homeless Man, Seattle Post-Intelligencer (June 1, 2004) (updated Mar. 15, 2011), https://www.seattlepi.com/local/article/White-supremacist-gets-life-for-killing-homeless-1146209.php.

[22] Monschke, 2021 Wash. LEXIS 152 at *29.

[23] See, e.g., Emily Powell, Underdeveloped and Over-Sentenced: Why Eighteen- to Twenty-Year-Olds Should Be Exempt from Life Without Parole, 52 U. Rich. L. Rev. Online 83 (2018). See also Juvenile Sentencing Project, Consideration of Youth for Young Adults (Jan. 2020), https://juvenilesentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/model_reforms_consideration_of_youth_for_young_adults.pdf.

[24] See, e.g., Meas v. Lizarraga, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 184672 (C.D. Cal. Dec. 14, 2016); see further Cruz v. United States, 2018 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 52924 at *41 (D. Conn. Mar. 29, 2018) (listing several cases). See also, however, State v. Norris, 2017 WL 2062145 at *5 (N.J. Super. Ct. App. Div. May 15, 2017) (the court recognized that mandatory life without parole might not give 21-year-olds the opportunity for full consideration of mitigating age-related factors).

[25] Cruz, 2018 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 52924 at *41 (D. Conn. Mar. 29, 2018).

[26] Cruz v. United States, 826 F. App’x 49 (2d Cir. 2020).

 

NCAA Anti-Trust Case May See Collegiate Cartel Win by Losing

Arthur Halliday, CLS ’22

As unpaid student-athletes compete in the lucrative National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) men’s and women’s basketball tournaments, the NCAA is playing for much higher stakes in a different kind of court.[1] At the end of March, the Supreme Court heard argument in NCAA v. Alston, a case that means both more and less than the casual college basketball fan might think.

 

Alston presents the question of whether the Ninth Circuit erred in finding that the NCAA “eligibility rules regarding compensation of student-athletes violate federal antitrust law.”[2]

 

On its face, Alston is about a ruling from the Northern District of California that struck down NCAA restrictions on “non-cash education-related benefits and academic awards.”[3] Judge Claudia Wilken found that these limits on what aid a school can give a student-athlete in excess of the school’s stated “cost of attendance” are not necessary to differentiate NCAA sports from professional sports in the eyes of consumers.[4]

 

However, commentators have pointed out that the NCAA is asking the Supreme Court for much more than a win in this case—they’re asking for broad antitrust immunity.[5] This ask is particularly significant because of what this case is not about: paying student-athletes a salary.

 

Judge Wilken explicitly permitted only benefits that “could not be confused with a professional athlete’s salary.”[6] Affirming, the Ninth Circuit noted that the ruling “does not permit the type of unlimited cash payments asserted by the NCAA.”[7] The rich and powerful at the NCAA may see this as a slippery slope, but the case follows important elements of the status quo that allow the NCAA to remain a “cartel.”[8]

 

Under the Sherman Act, alleged violations that restrain competition are judged by a three-step Rule of Reason analysis, which first asks if “the challenged agreement is one that promotes competition or one that suppresses competition.”[9] If the plaintiff can prove that the alleged violation “produces significant anticompetitive effects” in the market, the second step of the Rule of Reason analysis gives the defendant the burden of providing evidence of the practice’s “procompetitive effects.”[10]

 

This second step is the core of the NCAA’s victories in Sherman Act cases—they cite consumer demand for college sports, as differentiated from professional sports by the NCAA’s definition of amateurism, as an overwhelming procompetitive effect.[11] In the Ninth Circuit, Judge Smith expressed frustration that this step two analysis is allowed to cross markets, without analytical rigor, turning consumer demand for college sports into a cudgel to deprive student-athletes of “the fair value of their services.”[12]

 

The Supreme Court has not ruled on the proper scope of this analysis, and whether the second Rule of Reason step may cross markets.[13] Alston may present them with an opportunity to do so.

 

Even if the NCAA loses its appeal, it may still “win” by seeing the Supreme Court affirm the Ninth Circuit’s decision to permit a cross-market step two analysis—on its way to relaxing a small subset of NCAA restrictions.

 

While the NCAA may care about the small benefits at stake in this case, they are far more significant as a step towards allowing schools to pay student-athletes.[14] To maintain their status as a cartel run on the backs of unpaid labor, the NCAA will need to preserve its special treatment in anti-trust law.

 

Winning this case, and having the Supreme Court grant them broad anti-trust immunity under the auspices of amateurism, would be a huge victory for the NCAA. Losing, but having the Supreme Court affirm the NCAA’s use of cross-market differentiation, would be a great consolation prize.

 

Even when student-athletes win, the NCAA wins too.

[1] The 2021 men’s tournament is expected to bring in $613 million in revenue, all of which will be distributed to member schools. Dennis Dodd, “NCAA to pay entire $613 million revenue distribution to members if NCAA Tournament completed in entirety,” CBS Sports (Feb. 24, 2021), https://www.cbssports.com/college-basketball/news/2021-ncaa-tournament-bracket-predictions-march-madness-picks-odds-lines-for-second-round-games-sunday/. Even the women’s tournament, which the NCAA undervalues and underserves, brings in $35 million per year in TV revenue. Laine Higgins, “Women’s March Madness Is Growing in Popularity—and Undervalued,” Wall Street Journal (Mar. 19, 2021), https://www.wsj.com/articles/march-madness-womens-college-basketball-ncaa-tournament-11616155596.

[2] Petition for a Writ of Certiorari at i, Nat’l Collegiate Athletic Ass’n v. Alston, 2020 WL 6150345 (No. 20-512).

[3] In re Nat’l Collegiate Athletic Ass’n. Athletic Grant-in-Aid Cap Antitrust Litigation, 375 F. Supp. 3d 1058, 1110 (N.D. Cal. 2019) (In re NCAA).

[4] See id.

[5] “The NCAA instead seeks a broad legal pronouncement that its rules are valid as a matter of law if, on their face, they are ‘clearly meant to help maintain … amateurism in college sports’—and that amateurism means whatever the NCAA says it means. Under the NCAA’s position, any challenge to its amateurism rules should be dismissed at the motion to dismiss stage if it could make such a showing. In other words, the NCAA is seeking for the Court to provide it special treatment under the antitrust laws.” Maurice M. Suh, Daniel L. Weiss, & Zathrina Z. Perez, “Supreme Court needs to rethink NCAA ‘amateurism,’” Daily Journal (Jan. 5, 2021), https://www.gibsondunn.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/Suh-Weiss-Perez-Supreme-Court-needs-to-rethink-NCAA-amateurism-Daily-Journal-01-05-2021-.pdf.

[6] In re NCAA, 375 F. Supp. 3d at 1083.

[7] In re Nat’l Collegiate Athletic Ass’n. Athletic Grant-in-Aid Cap Antitrust Litigation, 958 F.3d 1239, 1261 (9th Cir. 2020) (In re NCAA II).

[8] Id. At 1267 (Smith, J, concurring).

[9] Nat’l Soc’y of Prof’l Eng’rs v. United States, 435 U.S. 679, 691, 98 S. Ct. 1355, 1365 (1978).

[10] In re NCAA II at 1267 (Smith, J, concurring) (quoting O’Bannon v. Nat’l Collegiate Athletic Ass’n.802 F.3d 1049, 1070).

[11] See, e.g., Brief for Petitioners at 16, Nat’l Collegiate Athletic Ass’n v. Alston, 2021 WL 398167 (2021) (No. 20-520) (“Sports played by amateur college students who are competing on behalf of their schools and are not paid to play are different in character–in the language of this Court, such athletics are a different “product”–than sports played by professional teams.”) .

[12] In re NCAA II at 1270 (Smith, J, concurring).

[13] Id. At 1269 (Smith, J, concurring).

[14] “The practical import of such a decision is that the NCAA could be subject to a never-ending loop of antitrust challenges to its eligibility rules. Plaintiffs could bring a case, prompt a Rule of Reason analysis, convince the court to issue an injunction that moves the ball five more yards down the field toward the endzone of a full-on free market for student-athletes, wait for the NCAA to implement the changes pursuant to an injunction, then sue again for more incremental gains given that the rules have changed. Lather, rinse, and repeat. The result could be perpetual judicial micromanagement of the NCAA’s eligibility rules.” Eli Nachmany, “Exploring the NCAA’s Antitrust Arguments Ahead of Oral Argument in NCAA v. Alston,” Harvard J. of Sports and Enter. L. (Jan. 2, 2021), https://harvardjsel.com/2021/01/exploring-the-ncaas-antitrust-arguments-ahead-of-oral-argument-in-ncaa-v-alston/#_ftn2.

City v. State: Austin Defends Mask Mandate Against State Attorney General

Josie Wexler, CLS ’22

As COVID-19 began to spread, governors and local officials started to publicly disagree on restrictions. Governors in many states, including Florida, Georgia, and Mississippi, released orders meant to supplant local orders.[1] This trend has continued throughout the pandemic. In New York, when Mayor de Blasio announced a plan for closures in certain parts of Brooklyn and Queens, Governor Cuomo stepped in to overrule him and announced a new plan.[2] Cuomo’s broad emergency powers, granted by the New York Legislature, preempted de Blasio’s authority on certain issues, including lockdowns.[3] In most states, state law creates a similar balance of power between the governor and local officials during the pandemic.[4]

 

The easing of COVID-19 restrictions is once again calling attention to these conflicts. A number of states have ended their statewide mask mandates, but not all local officials want to do so. In Texas, state officials and the local officials of Austin and the surrounding Travis County are in the midst of a legal battle over a mask mandate. Texas Governor Greg Abbott announced the end of his state’s mask mandate in early March 2021. His Executive Order forbids “any jurisdiction” from requiring individuals to wear a mask unless a certain hospitalization threshold is reached.[5] Nonetheless, officials in Austin and Travis County continued to require masks.[6]

 

Despite pressure from the Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton to end the mandate, local officials refused to back down. Attorney General Paxton then filed suit.[7] Travis County Judge Lora Livingston initially denied the State’s request for a temporary restraining order, setting a hearing date for two weeks later.[8] At the hearing, the State argued that the Texas Disaster Act, which gave the Governor authority over the crisis response and his orders “the force and effect of law,” superseded the conflicting local mandate.[9] Local officials argued the Texas Health and Safety Code, which allows local officials to adopt public health measures, was not preempted under the Act.[10] Judge Livingston declined to grant an injunction, expressing skepticism that the Governor’s authority under the Act gave him overriding authority.[11]

 

Attorney General Paxton is expected to appeal,[12] and it seems likely that he could eventually win. The Texas Supreme Court previously overturned rulings from lower courts that allowed Austin and Travis County to prohibit dine-in service at bars and restaurants on New Year’s Eve, a restriction in conflict with an Executive Order allowing such service.[13]

 

As restrictions ease and people “return to normal,” it is likely that the disagreements between governors and local officials will continue. The pandemic has highlighted these issues, and it may have long-lasting repercussions on the balance of power between state and local authorities.[14]

[1] Sheila R. Foster, As COVID-19 Proliferates Mayors Take Response Lead, Sometimes in Conflicts with Their Governors, The Georgetown Law Project on State and Local Governmental Policy and Law, https://www.law.georgetown.edu/salpal/as-covid-19-proliferates-mayors-take-response-lead-sometimes-in-conflicts-with-their-governors/ (last visited Mar. 23, 2021). For a further discussion of how the balance between state and local governments work, see id.

[2] Jesse McKinley, & et al., How a Feud Between Cuomo and de Blasio Led to a Chaotic Virus Crackdown, N.Y. Times, (Oct. 12, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/12/nyregion/cuomo-coronavirus-orthodox-shutdown.html.

[3] See NY Legislature Votes to Repeal Cuomo’s Pandemic Emergency Powers, NBC New York (Mar. 5, 2021), https://www.nbcnewyork.com/news/politics/ny-legislators-poised-to-remove-gov-cuomos-pandemic-emergency-powers/2925931/.

[4] See Foster, supra note 1.

[5] Tex. Executive Order No. GA-34 (Mar. 2, 2021), https://open.texas.gov/uploads/files/organization/opentexas/EO-GA-34-opening-Texas-response-to-COVID-disaster-IMAGE-03-02-2021.pdf.

[6] Audrey McNamara, Texas Attorney General Sues Austin for Refusing to Lift Mask Mandate, CBS News (Mar. 12, 2021), https://www.cbsnews.com/news/mask-mandate-ken-paxton-texas-attorney-general-sues-austin-for-refusing-to-lift/.

[7] Attorney General Ken Paxton (@KenPaxtonTX), Twitter (Mar. 11, 2021, 3:25 PM), https://twitter.com/KenPaxtonTX/status/1370108518104174600.

[8] Jordan William, Judge Sides with Austin in Texas Mask Lawsuit, The Hill, (Mar. 12, 2021) https://thehill.com/homenews/state-watch/542990-judge-sides-with-austin-in-texas-mask-lawsuit?rl=1.

[9] Chuck Lindell, Judge Allows Austin Mask Mandate to Continue, Rejecting Texas AG Ken Paxton’s Arguments, Austin American-Statesman (Mar. 26, 2021), https://www.statesman.com/story/news/2021/03/26/austin-mask-mandate-continues-texas-ken-paxton-rejected/7011102002/.

[10] Id.

[11] Connor Perrett, A Judge Ruled Austin Can Continue to Enforce Mask Mandate After the Texas Attorney General Sued to Stop It, Business Insider (Mar. 27, 2021), https://www.businessinsider.com/austin-mask-mandate-judge-sides-against-texas-governor-2021-3.

[12] Id.

[13] Nadia Chaudhury, How the State of Texas Worked to Block Austin’s New Year’s Dine-In Curfew, Eater (Jan. 5, 2021), https://austin.eater.com/2021/1/5/22213624/austin-nye-dining-curfew-blocked-texas-state-coronavirus.

[14] See Richard Briffault, The Challenge of the New Preemption, 70 Stanford Law Review 1995 (2018) for a discussion of how state preemption over local law has changed in the last decade.